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vP-fronting with and without remnant movement

vP-fronting with and without remnant movement

 Thoms, Gary
 2019.
 p.161-214 enk ISSN: 08683409
Tiếng AnhEllipsisNgữ phápReconstructionComplementizer agreementLinearizationTuyến tínhCấu trúc
Tác giả CN Thoms, Gary
Nhan đề vP-fronting with and without remnant movement / Gary Thoms.
Thông tin xuất bản 2019.
Mô tả vật lý p.161-214
Tóm tắt In this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances.
Thuật ngữ chủ đề Tiếng Anh-Ngữ pháp-TVĐHHN.
Từ khóa tự do Ellipsis
Từ khóa tự do Ngữ pháp
Từ khóa tự do Reconstruction
Từ khóa tự do Complementizer agreement
Từ khóa tự do Linearization
Từ khóa tự do Tuyến tính
Từ khóa tự do Cấu trúc
Từ khóa tự do Tiếng Anh
Nguồn trích Journal of Linguistics- Vol. 55, Issue 1
MARC
Hiển thị đầy đủ trường & trường con
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260[ ] |c 2019.
300[ ] |a p.161-214
520[ ] |a In this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances.
650[1 7] |a Tiếng Anh |x Ngữ pháp |2 TVĐHHN.
653[0 ] |a Ellipsis
653[0 ] |a Ngữ pháp
653[0 ] |a Reconstruction
653[0 ] |a Complementizer agreement
653[0 ] |a Linearization
653[0 ] |a Tuyến tính
653[0 ] |a Cấu trúc
653[0 ] |a Tiếng Anh
773[ ] |t Journal of Linguistics |g Vol. 55, Issue 1
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