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Frequency effects in Subject Islands

Frequency effects in Subject Islands

 Chaves, Rui P.
 2019.
 p. 475-521 enk ISSN: 08683409
Nghiên cứu ngôn ngữSubjectNgữ phápTiếng AnhSubject IslandsFrequency effects
Tác giả CN Chaves, Rui P.
Nhan đề Frequency effects in Subject Islands / Rui P. Chaves.
Thông tin xuất bản 2019.
Mô tả vật lý p. 475-521
Tóm tắt This work provides evidence that Subject Island violation effects vanish if subject-embedded gaps are made as frequent and pragmatically felicitous as non-island counterpart controls. We argue that Subject Island effects are caused by the fact that subject-embedded gaps are pragmatically unusual – as the informational focus does not usually correspond to a dependant of the subject phrase – and therefore are highly contrary to comprehenders’ expectations about the distribution of filler–gap dependencies (Chaves 2013, Hofmeister, Casasanto & Sag 2013). This not only explains why sentences with subject-embedded gaps often become more acceptable ‘parasitically’, in the presence of a second gap outside the island, but also explains why some Subject Island violations fail to exhibit any amelioration with repetition (Sprouse 2009, Crawford 2011, Goodall 2011); some ameliorate marginally (Snyder 2000, 2017) or moderately (Hiramatsu 2000, Clausen 2011, Chaves & Dery 2014), and others become fully acceptable, as in our case. This conclusion extends to self-paced reading Subject Island studies (Stowe 1986, Kurtzman & Crawford 1991, Pickering, Barton & Shillcock 1994, Phillips 2006), which sometimes find evidence of gap filling and sometimes do not.
Thuật ngữ chủ đề Nghiên cứu ngôn ngữ-Tiếng Anh-Ngữ pháp
Từ khóa tự do Subject
Từ khóa tự do Ngữ pháp
Từ khóa tự do Tiếng Anh
Từ khóa tự do Subject Islands
Từ khóa tự do Frequency effects
Nguồn trích Journal of Linguistics- Vol. 55, Issue 3/2019
MARC
Hiển thị đầy đủ trường & trường con
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300[ ] |a p. 475-521
520[ ] |a This work provides evidence that Subject Island violation effects vanish if subject-embedded gaps are made as frequent and pragmatically felicitous as non-island counterpart controls. We argue that Subject Island effects are caused by the fact that subject-embedded gaps are pragmatically unusual – as the informational focus does not usually correspond to a dependant of the subject phrase – and therefore are highly contrary to comprehenders’ expectations about the distribution of filler–gap dependencies (Chaves 2013, Hofmeister, Casasanto & Sag 2013). This not only explains why sentences with subject-embedded gaps often become more acceptable ‘parasitically’, in the presence of a second gap outside the island, but also explains why some Subject Island violations fail to exhibit any amelioration with repetition (Sprouse 2009, Crawford 2011, Goodall 2011); some ameliorate marginally (Snyder 2000, 2017) or moderately (Hiramatsu 2000, Clausen 2011, Chaves & Dery 2014), and others become fully acceptable, as in our case. This conclusion extends to self-paced reading Subject Island studies (Stowe 1986, Kurtzman & Crawford 1991, Pickering, Barton & Shillcock 1994, Phillips 2006), which sometimes find evidence of gap filling and sometimes do not.
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