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Record your Agree

Record your Agree : A case study of the Arabic complementizer Pinn

 2019.
 p. 83-122. English
Tác giả CN Jarrah Marwan.
Nhan đề Record your Agree : A case study of the Arabic complementizer Pinn / Marwan Jarrah
Thông tin xuất bản 2019.
Mô tả vật lý p. 83-122.
Tóm tắt This research investigates the morpho-syntactic behaviour of the Arabic complementizer Pinn in a range of Arabic varieties (Modern Standard Arabic, Jordanian Arabic, and Lebanese Arabic). It essentially argues that this complementizer SHARES (not DONATES or KEEPS, pace Ouali 2008, 2011) its unvalued φ-features with its complement T0 , something that makes Pinn and T0 separate agreeing heads. An inflectional suffix attached to Pinn is treated as a PF reflex (i.e. an overt morphological realization) of valuation of Pinn’s unvalued φ-features or lack thereof. This research also argues that the occurrence of such an inflectional suffix is ruled by the postulated AGREE CHAIN RECORD, an interface condition that demands an Agree relation to have a PF reflex, called a RECORD (i.e. an overt Case marking on the goal or, if not, a φ-affix on the probe). This way, we account for the complementary distribution of overt Case and φ-Agree in Arabic. We also show how a host of other phenomena, including word order agreement asymmetries in Modern Standard Arabic and lack of such asymmetries in Arabic vernaculars, fares well with this view.
Thuật ngữ chủ đề Linguistics-Morpho-syntactic behaviour
Từ khóa tự do Agree
Từ khóa tự do Arabic
Từ khóa tự do Complementizer agreement
Từ khóa tự do Feature inheritance
Nguồn trích Journal of Linguistics- Vol. 55- Issue 1/2019
MARC
Hiển thị đầy đủ trường & trường con
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245[1 0] |a Record your Agree : |b A case study of the Arabic complementizer Pinn / |c Marwan Jarrah
260[ ] |c 2019.
300[ ] |a p. 83-122.
520[ ] |a This research investigates the morpho-syntactic behaviour of the Arabic complementizer Pinn in a range of Arabic varieties (Modern Standard Arabic, Jordanian Arabic, and Lebanese Arabic). It essentially argues that this complementizer SHARES (not DONATES or KEEPS, pace Ouali 2008, 2011) its unvalued φ-features with its complement T0 , something that makes Pinn and T0 separate agreeing heads. An inflectional suffix attached to Pinn is treated as a PF reflex (i.e. an overt morphological realization) of valuation of Pinn’s unvalued φ-features or lack thereof. This research also argues that the occurrence of such an inflectional suffix is ruled by the postulated AGREE CHAIN RECORD, an interface condition that demands an Agree relation to have a PF reflex, called a RECORD (i.e. an overt Case marking on the goal or, if not, a φ-affix on the probe). This way, we account for the complementary distribution of overt Case and φ-Agree in Arabic. We also show how a host of other phenomena, including word order agreement asymmetries in Modern Standard Arabic and lack of such asymmetries in Arabic vernaculars, fares well with this view.
650[1 4] |a Linguistics |x Morpho-syntactic behaviour
653[0 ] |a Agree
653[0 ] |a Arabic
653[0 ] |a Complementizer agreement
653[0 ] |a Feature inheritance
773[0 ] |t Journal of Linguistics |g Vol. 55- Issue 1/2019
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