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vP-fronting with and without remnant movement

vP-fronting with and without remnant movement

 Thoms, Gary
 2019.
 p.161-214. English
LinguisticsEllipsisReconstructionRemnant movementLinearizationvP-fronting
Tác giả CN Thoms, Gary
Nhan đề vP-fronting with and without remnant movement / Gary Thoms.
Thông tin xuất bản 2019.
Mô tả vật lý p.161-214.
Tóm tắt In this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances.
Thuật ngữ chủ đề Linguistics-vP-fronting constructions in English
Từ khóa tự do Ellipsis
Từ khóa tự do Reconstruction
Từ khóa tự do Remnant movement
Từ khóa tự do Linearization
Từ khóa tự do vP-fronting
Nguồn trích Journal of Linguistics- Vol. 55- Issue 1/2019
MARC
Hiển thị đầy đủ trường & trường con
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520[ ] |a In this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances.
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653[0 ] |a Reconstruction
653[0 ] |a Remnant movement
653[0 ] |a Linearization
653[0 ] |a vP-fronting
773[0 ] |t Journal of Linguistics |g Vol. 55- Issue 1/2019
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