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No argument–adjunct asymmetry in reconstruction for Binding Condition C

No argument–adjunct asymmetry in reconstruction for Binding Condition C

 2019.
 p. 247-276 enk ISSN: 08683409
Tác giả CN Bruening, Benjamin
Nhan đề No argument–adjunct asymmetry in reconstruction for Binding Condition C / Benjamin Bruening.
Thông tin xuất bản 2019.
Mô tả vật lý p. 247-276
Tóm tắt The syntax literature has overwhelmingly adopted the view that Condition C reconstruction takes place in wh-chains for R-expressions contained within arguments, but not within adjuncts of fronted wh-phrases. At the same time, this empirical picture has been questioned by various authors. We undertake a series of grammaticality surveys using Amazon Mechanical Turk in an attempt to clarify the empirical picture regarding reconstruction for Binding Condition C. We find absolutely no evidence of an argument–adjunct distinction in reconstruction for Binding Condition C. Neither arguments nor adjuncts reconstruct for Condition C. We suggest that those speakers who report such a contrast (linguists, primarily) are following a pragmatic bias, and not Condition C. While we do not find reconstruction of dependents of fronted NPs for Binding Condition C, we do find reconstruction of fronted PPs. That is, the NP complement of a fronted P must reconstruct for Binding Condition C. The literature also finds reconstruction of NP complements of verbs and adjectives. This means that fronted Ns are special in not requiring reconstruction of their arguments and adjuncts. We suggest that, syntactically, arguments of Ns are treated as adjuncts: semantic arguments simply adjoin in the same manner as true adjuncts. Syntactic adjuncts can be left out of lower copies in chains, something that we suggest follows from a left-to-right syntactic derivation plus an economy condition on copying.
Thuật ngữ chủ đề Nghiên cứu ngôn ngữ-Tiếng Anh-TVĐHHN.
Từ khóa tự do Cú pháp
Từ khóa tự do Cấu trúc câu
Từ khóa tự do Arguments
Từ khóa tự do Adjuncts
Từ khóa tự do Binding Condition C
Từ khóa tự do Tranh biện
Từ khóa tự do Tiếng Anh
Từ khóa tự do Tính từ
Nguồn trích Journal of Linguistics- Vol. 55, Issue 2/2019
MARC
Hiển thị đầy đủ trường & trường con
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260[ ] |c 2019.
300[ ] |a p. 247-276
520[ ] |a The syntax literature has overwhelmingly adopted the view that Condition C reconstruction takes place in wh-chains for R-expressions contained within arguments, but not within adjuncts of fronted wh-phrases. At the same time, this empirical picture has been questioned by various authors. We undertake a series of grammaticality surveys using Amazon Mechanical Turk in an attempt to clarify the empirical picture regarding reconstruction for Binding Condition C. We find absolutely no evidence of an argument–adjunct distinction in reconstruction for Binding Condition C. Neither arguments nor adjuncts reconstruct for Condition C. We suggest that those speakers who report such a contrast (linguists, primarily) are following a pragmatic bias, and not Condition C. While we do not find reconstruction of dependents of fronted NPs for Binding Condition C, we do find reconstruction of fronted PPs. That is, the NP complement of a fronted P must reconstruct for Binding Condition C. The literature also finds reconstruction of NP complements of verbs and adjectives. This means that fronted Ns are special in not requiring reconstruction of their arguments and adjuncts. We suggest that, syntactically, arguments of Ns are treated as adjuncts: semantic arguments simply adjoin in the same manner as true adjuncts. Syntactic adjuncts can be left out of lower copies in chains, something that we suggest follows from a left-to-right syntactic derivation plus an economy condition on copying.
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653[0 ] |a Tranh biện
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653[0 ] |a Tính từ
773[ ] |t Journal of Linguistics |g Vol. 55, Issue 2/2019
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