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Phonologically determined nominal concord as post-syntactic Evidence from Guébie

Phonologically determined nominal concord as post-syntactic Evidence from Guébie

 Sande, Hannah
 2019.
 p. 831-878 enk ISSN: 08683409
Nghiên cứu ngôn ngữCú phápPhonologyCấu trúc câuSyntaxGuébieConcordÂm vị học
Tác giả CN Sande, Hannah
Nhan đề Phonologically determined nominal concord as post-syntactic : Evidence from Guébie / Hannah Sande.
Thông tin xuất bản 2019.
Mô tả vật lý p. 831-878
Tóm tắt This paper brings novel data to bear on whether nominal concord relationships are formed in the narrow syntax or post-syntactically. In Guébie, a Kru language spoken in Côte d’Ivoire, nominal concord marking on non-human pronouns and adjectives is determined not by syntactic or semantic features of the concord-triggering noun, but by the phonological form of the noun. Specifically, concord marking on pronouns and adjectives surfaces as a vowel with the same backness features as the vowels of the head noun. Assuming that syntax is phonology-free (Pullum & Zwicky 1986, 1988), the fact that we see phonological features conditioning nominal concord in Guébie means that nominal concord must take place in the post-syntax. I expand on post-syntactic models of nominal concord in Distributed Morphology (Kramer 2010, Norris 2014, Baier 2015) showing that when combined with a constraint-based phonology, such an approach can account for both phonologically and syntactico-semantically determined concord systems. Additionally, the proposed analysis includes a formal account of ellipsis via constraints during the phonological component.
Thuật ngữ chủ đề Nghiên cứu ngôn ngữ-Âm vị học-TVĐHHN.
Từ khóa tự do Cú pháp
Từ khóa tự do Phonology
Từ khóa tự do Cấu trúc câu
Từ khóa tự do Syntax
Từ khóa tự do Guébie
Từ khóa tự do Concord
Từ khóa tự do Âm vị học
Nguồn trích Journal of Linguistics- Vol. 55, Issue 4/2019
MARC
Hiển thị đầy đủ trường & trường con
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520[ ] |a This paper brings novel data to bear on whether nominal concord relationships are formed in the narrow syntax or post-syntactically. In Guébie, a Kru language spoken in Côte d’Ivoire, nominal concord marking on non-human pronouns and adjectives is determined not by syntactic or semantic features of the concord-triggering noun, but by the phonological form of the noun. Specifically, concord marking on pronouns and adjectives surfaces as a vowel with the same backness features as the vowels of the head noun. Assuming that syntax is phonology-free (Pullum & Zwicky 1986, 1988), the fact that we see phonological features conditioning nominal concord in Guébie means that nominal concord must take place in the post-syntax. I expand on post-syntactic models of nominal concord in Distributed Morphology (Kramer 2010, Norris 2014, Baier 2015) showing that when combined with a constraint-based phonology, such an approach can account for both phonologically and syntactico-semantically determined concord systems. Additionally, the proposed analysis includes a formal account of ellipsis via constraints during the phonological component.
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