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Chain effects in Kurpian

Chain effects in Kurpian

 Cambridge University Press, 2020
 United States : p. 663 - 690 English ISSN: 00222267
Tác giả CN Rubach, Jerzy
Nhan đề Chain effects in Kurpian / Jerzy Rubach
Thông tin xuất bản United States : Cambridge University Press, 2020
Mô tả vật lý p. 663 - 690
Tóm tắt This article considers chain effects in Kurpian. It is observed that initial i triggers j-Insertion. The inserted [j] induces a lowering process, whereby /i/ changes into [e] or [ə], depending on the context. This change destroys the original trigger of j-Insertion, making the process opaque, as in jënteres [jəntɛrɛs] ‘interest’, which exhibits the following chain: i → ji → jə . I argue that chain effects cannot be modeled in Standard Optimality Theory, including its auxiliary theories: Max Feature theory, Sympathy theory and Candidate Chains theory. Consequently, chain effects constitute evidence for derivational levels envisaged by Derivational Optimality Theory. In particular j-Insertion must take place before /i/ is turned into [e] or [ə] because these vowels cannot trigger glide insertion.
Thuật ngữ chủ đề Tiếng Anh-Âm vị học
Thuật ngữ chủ đề English-Phonology
Từ khóa tự do Tiếng Anh
Từ khóa tự do Âm vị học
Nguồn trích Journal of Linguistics- Volume 56, Issue 3, 01 August 2020
Tệp tin điện tử https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-linguistics/article/abs/chain-effects-in-kurpian/1E66847B62288FBC976CFAC3EEC1EA48
MARC
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520[ ] |a This article considers chain effects in Kurpian. It is observed that initial i triggers j-Insertion. The inserted [j] induces a lowering process, whereby /i/ changes into [e] or [ə], depending on the context. This change destroys the original trigger of j-Insertion, making the process opaque, as in jënteres [jəntɛrɛs] ‘interest’, which exhibits the following chain: i → ji → jə . I argue that chain effects cannot be modeled in Standard Optimality Theory, including its auxiliary theories: Max Feature theory, Sympathy theory and Candidate Chains theory. Consequently, chain effects constitute evidence for derivational levels envisaged by Derivational Optimality Theory. In particular j-Insertion must take place before /i/ is turned into [e] or [ə] because these vowels cannot trigger glide insertion.
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650[1 0] |a English |x Phonology
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773[ ] |t Journal of Linguistics |g Volume 56, Issue 3, 01 August 2020
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